Eritrea remains to be the most indispensable party in the military and humanitarian crisis in Tigray as well as in the wider regional crisis. Thus, forcing out Eritrea of the tripartite alliance would be the beginning of peace not only in Ethiopia, but also in the region.
The prime minister is emphatic that he was forced to wage war after the Tigray region launched a surprise attack on the Northern Command. Yet there is a preponderance of evidence that the prime minister ordered an offensive on the Tigray region before the Northern Command incident.
The War on Tigray has been characterized by the Ethiopian government’s deceitful attempts to control the narrative. Throughout the war, the government has co-opted the entire state apparatus and ramped up its attempt to impose hegemonic control on the narrative by launching campaigns of disinformation, intimidation, demonization and gaslighting.
The government still maintains that the brutal war against Tigray is a “law enforcement operation” to bring those behind the alleged attack to the court. If that is the case, why were the commandos sent to the borders in Tigray some four days in advance? Why were they encircling Tigray all-round from Dansha to Wolkayit and Weldya and other directions? Why was the South Command secretly told to go to an unknown place three days earlier? Why did they beg Sudan to close its border with Tigray, as admitted to by the spokesperson of the Ethiopian Foreign Minister, Ambassador Dinna Mufti? Why, three days before, was it told to loyal members of another ethnic group that the Tigrayans were not going to take part in the operation? Why did they exclude Tigrayan members of ENDF from the operation? Why was there an unusual military and logistical operation in the Bahir Dar a few days before the war started? Why were Ethiopian commandos sent to Eritrea?
The fighting is often portrayed as a war between a federal government and one of the regions. Most attention so far has been focused on the power struggle between two clearly defined centers of power, and the challenges,
In the past four months, genocide through the ravages of war, in general, and war-induced famine, in particular, has been emerging as the primary weapon of choice of its three architects—Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia, President Isaias Afwerki of Eritrea and the Amhara nationalists—to totally subjugate Tigray.
Given the vindictive nature of the Eritrean leader, that the Isaias regime would use any opportunity to inflict heavy damage on Tigray was not unexpected. It is rather the extent of its involvement and the barbaric nature of its troops—their utter depravity, brutality and irreverence—that have caught many by surprise.
With this historical reality in mind and in light of what we know of the current conflict in Tigray it is not difficult to determine that the War on Tigray poses a great risk to cultural and religious heritage be it from intentional destruction, as collateral damage, or organized looting. There have been reports and photographic evidence of intentional attacks against buildings (mosques and churches included) and monuments recognized as both local and international historical heritage sites.
This is a summary from a preprint paper by Jan Nyssen. The paper first notes the closure of services, starvation and denial of humanitarian aid, massacres, destruction and looting and…
Ethiopian refugees fleeing clashes in Tigray, rest and cook meals near UNHCR’s Hamdayet reception centre after crossing into Sudan. UNHCR/Hazim Elhag By Gebrekirstos Gebremeskel for Ethiopia-insight Tigray’s enemies all have…